::: KNSI : Korea National Strategy Institute :::
::: KNSI : Korea National Strategy Institute :::
       January 18 2019
¢º Reclaiming Pacifism in East Asia by Kawasaki_Akira,Celine_Nahory
Today, East Asia stands at the crossroads, not least due to Prime Minister Abe Shinzo¡¯s efforts to accelerate the long-pursued attempts by the Liberal Democratic Party to change Japan¡¯s peace constitution. The decision on collective self-defense, and more generally the new doctrine of proactive pacifism, are adding oil to the fire of relations between Japan and its neighbors, already tense over territorial disputes and history recognition issues. It is a matter of urgency to find ways to diffuse tensions and avoid the development of an uncontrollable situation in East Asia. In this process, it is important to recognize the crucial role Article 9 of Japan¡¯s Constitution has played as a foundation for peace and stability in East Asia, as attested by the international attention received for its nomination for this year¡¯s Nobel Peace Prize.
¢º Is ¡°Unification Bonanza¡± Possible in Near Future? by Georgy Toloraya
The anticipation of the "imminent collapse" of DPRK as the prerequisite for unification of Korea remains the mainstream of South Korean and U.S. political thinking for the last quarter-century. The root of the problem seems to be the regretful misunderstanding in Seoul of the core interests and the nature of North Korean political class, as well as the total rejection of the idea of taking the interests of this class into consideration.
¢º 1st Morocco-Korea Forum for Amity and Cooperation by Mohamed Chraibi,Sun Song Park,Mohamed El Bouchikhi,Joon-hyung Kim
Morocco-Korea Forum for Amity and Cooperation under the theme "Morocco-Korea: towards a model partnership in co-development and security"

2014. 05. 23 15:00 ~ 18:00
Host : Embassy of Morocco & Korean National Strategy Institute
Sponsor : World Culture Open Korea



"....I hope this forum will be the right opportunity to introduce our Korean friends to an understanding of the great relations between our two countries and to involve them in a process of brainstorming on the best ways to push these relations forward and bring forth new ideas to make them even stronger."

"...Understanding and respect to diverse cultures and living is the foundation of peace and coexistence among countries in this global community. Korea and Morocco has no factor to cause conflict or discord. Once we develop our understanding about different culture between us, our friendly relations will prosper, and we will leave a legacy toward peace and coexistence as global citizens living in 21st century...."
¢º Asiative_A Review of Asian Affairs (2012 Summer Vol 2) by KNSI
"...The Korea National Strategy Institute published the first issue of its English quarterly magazine Asiative in March and is now publishing its second issue this summer.

The special theme of this issue is energy security. ¡°What kind of energy security do we need?¡± Asiative claims through this special issue that true energy security can be realized not through conflict and dispute but through solidarity, cooperation and the development of alternative energy sources for sustainable development....... "

¢º Asiative-A Review of Asian Affairs (2012 March Vol 01) by KNSI
"In this respect, Asiative is created to provide a forum for Asian people to access and discuss and share their views on Asian issues. The Korea National Strategy Institute has taken the first step in entering the relay race, and the next runners to take over the baton are all the ordinary people who love Asia, have interest in Asia, and are eager to take part in the task of region-building in Asia.

The first issue of Asiative features the 2012 Seoul Nuclear Security Summit in its Special Features section. Although the NSS meeting created by US President Obama¡¯s initiative could play an important role as a stepping stone toward a widespread denuclearization movement, it is clear that the meeting limits itself in a boundary of the security of nuclear materials only. So, Asiative¡¯s fundamental question upon the Seoul Nuclear Security Summit is: What do we really want—nuclear security or a nuclear-free world?

With KNSI based in Seoul being the publisher, Asiative discusses the issues that affect the Korean Peninsula in the lion¡¯s portion of its pages for the moment. In Inside the Peninsula section, it presents a number of issues regarding South and North Korea to Asian and global people. This issue focuses on the discussion of the prospects of North Korea¡¯s political and economic system in 2012. In addition, Asiative also offers in its In-depth Analysis, and Issues and Debates analytic views and suggestive outlooks on issues touching upon the US, China, Japan, Russia and the Middle East."


¢Ã Asiative_A Review of Asian Affairs

Asiative is a quarterly journal published by the Korea National Strategy Institute (KNSI). The word Asiative is coined from a combination of the words Asian and alternative, creative, initiative. Asiative is committed to serving as a medium for achieving a peaceful Korean Peninsula and global community through discovery of alternative policies for Asia and the world from an Asian perspective.

The Korea National Strategy Institute (KNSI) is an independent, nonpartisan, and not-for-profit public research institution dedicated to developing policy recommendations on Korea's domestic politics and foreign relations, economy and trade, and social and cultural issues. The KNSI seeks to accomplish reconciliation and reunification between South and North Korea based on the principles of independence, democracy, and peace, thereby contributing to an enduring peace in East Asia and around the world.

¢º Seoul Initiative for the Improvement of North Korea Human Rights by Bohyuk Suh
Ten years have passed since the human rights conditions in North Korea has drawn international concerns and criticisms, resulting in a string of resolutions adopted by the United Nations human rights mechanisms. Despite such collective efforts, North Korean human rights issue still remains prevalent and pervasive. But why? One can point the finger to North Korea's negative attitude or position on human rights to be one reason, but is that all? Couldn¡¯t it also be possible that the past approaches taken by the international community were problematic? In particular, South Korea's policy toward North Korea shifted back and forth between radical and gradual approaches, at the mercy of the administration in power at the time. With the experience of democratization and rich information base on North Korea under its belt, South Korea is capable of playing a more active role in influencing and improving the North Korean human rights situation. The unique relation between the North and South is unlike any other country, and South Korea can easily utilize such relations to serve the function as the strategic leverage in the future.
This article suggests the concept of "Korean human rights" as an alternative approach for South Korea, to constructively contribute in improving the situation of human rights in North Korea. In addition, the notion of "Korean human rights" will be discussed as a method to overcome the limitations that both South Korea and the international community have faced in the past, and propose a framework that will be applicable to the Korean peninsula for a more effective application of the international human rights conventions at the regional level. Following the introduction, in the next two sections, strategic dynamics of South Korea and the international community will be evaluated and the method of implementation for "Korean human rights" will be discussed in detail. In closing, the article will summarize the main points of the discussion above and raise its limit for further study.
¢º State of Affairs on the Korean Peninsula after the Cheonan Incident by Suh, Bo-hyuk
Whereas the U.S.-North Korean relationship has improved since the disablement stage of nuclear facilities in North Korea in 2008, it has faced more obstacles in 2009 with the second missile testing and exacerbated after the Cheonan sinking. This trend clearly displays the codependence between the inter-Korean relationship and the U.S.-North Korean relationship. Paradoxically, American relations with North Korea have worsened since the inauguration of President Obama, who has persistently renounced the Bush administration¡¯s unilateral diplomacy and emphasized the significance of dialogue.
¢º Improving Human Rights in North Korea: The Interdependence of Peace and Human Rights by Bohyuk Suh
Peace is a requirement for the general realization of human rights as well as a human right in itself. Ongoing military tensions such as the armistice on the Korean peninsula, U.S. security threats toward North Korea, and North Korea¡¯s nuclear development are challenges to peace and could make improvement of human rights in North Korea difficult. Therefore, it is meaningless to discuss peace on the Korean peninsula without the improvement of human rights and to discuss human rights in North Korea without peace on the Korean peninsula. Mutual interdependence of peace and human rights on the Korean peninsula is expected to deepen further.
¢º North-South Korean talks are South Korea's strategic asset: Why the Lee Myung-bak administration .. by Bohyuk Suh
So the current suspension of talks with the North is strategically not advantageous to South Korea. It should not wait until North Korea bows its head and proposes talks, but should actively head start and engage in leading North-South relations. Inter-Korean talks stand as a bridge to the harmonization role of South Korea in North Korea-U.S. talks, the increase of South Korea¡¯s role in the North Korean nuclear problem, overcoming the economic crisis and establishing trust between the two Koreas. The North-South Korean talks is a strategic asset only South Korea can possess. Holding complex significance, it should not be further wasted as a tool to clash with North Korea. Can the Minister of Unification designate initiate inter-Korean dialogue toward the road of ¡®mutual benefits and common prosperity¡¯?
¢º South Korean Leaders: Repeating the Mistakes of the Past by Yeon-chul Kim
The Obama administration plans to take a comprehensive approach to U.S. policy on North Korea. The apparent willingness of Obama's foreign policy team to negotiate with North Korea is linked to the current situation in the United States. With the world having moved away from U.S. unilateralism, and toward a more multilateral approach to world affairs, one of the primary roles for the United States in the areas of diplomacy and security in the interim will be to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Obama's foreign policy team appears to regard the North Korean nuclear issue as the front line for nuclear non-proliferation in the Middle East and the third world. Realists in the Republican Party, such as Henry Kissinger, also agree that resolving the North Korean nuclear issue could have a positive influence on non-proliferation efforts in the rest of the world. Thus, it seems as though the major political parties would be in agreement with the comprehensive approach Obama is likely to employ with regard to North Korea.

A decisive obstacle is South Korean conservative government. There are still some Korean officials who are insisting that the Lee administration follow Kim Young-sam's hard-line policy. However, Obama's North Korea policy is certain to differ from that of the Clinton administration, which was heavily dependant on South Korean cooperation, even if Clinton ultimately became frustrated with, and disappointed by, the Korean government's actions. It is for this reason that the Lee administration should not try to follow Kim Young-sam's policy line on North Korea, which is largely regarded as an outdated paradigm.
¢º Moral Realism Boomerang: Eight Months into the Lee Administration's North Korean Policy by Bo-hyuk Suh
Bo-hyuk Suh, Research Fellow at the Korea National Strategy Institute in Seoul, writes, "it is time inter-Korean relations should change, which would begin by respecting the agreement reached at the South-North summit meeting¡¦ The South Korean government should offer North Korea an unconditional dialogue to discuss inter-Korean cooperation, including the implementation of the October 4 Declaration."

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Nautilus Institute. Readers should note that Nautilus seeks a diversity of views and opinions on contentious topics in order to identify common ground.
¢º The Prospect for the Security Situation on the Korean Peninsula during the U.S. Presidential Transit by Kim, Sung-Bae
Although the coexistence of optimism and pessimism about the situation on the Korean Peninsula is constant, optimists and pessimists have recently crossed each other in terms of U.S.-North and inter-Korean relations. Optimists about U.S.-North ties and North Korea¡¯s nuclear weapons program tend to be linked to pessimism about the worst relationship between North and South, while pessimists about U.S.-North relations are inclined to connect with optimists about a recovery of the inter-Korean relationship. The divergent views are due to prevailing wishful or partisan thinking rather than an accurate diagnosis. The contradictory assessments of the recent U.S.-North nuclear declaration verification agreement and North Korea¡¯s delist from the terrorist-supporting states can be understood in such a context.
¢º The South Korea-Russia Summit and Feasibility of a Roadmap for Energy Diplomacy by Jin-Sook Ju
It is uncertain that the achievement marked by the Korea-Russia summit will become a feasible plan. Russia clearly uses energy diplomacy as a tool for restraining the unilateral hegemonic behaviors of the United States. Yet, the Korean government expects the U.S-South Korea alliance to be restored in view of Russian energy diplomacy. Russia and South Korea have different points of view in terms of energy diplomacy.
¢º The Road to Denuclearization on Korean Peninsula and Strategic Necessity of Dialogue between North a by Bohyuk Suh
North Korea recently submitted the nuclear program declaration to China, the chair country of the six-party talks, on 26 June, and destroyed the 5MW-cooling tower at Youngbyon on 27 June. In turn, the U.S. government started to take actions implementing the agreement of six-party talks, ¡°The US will begin the process of removing the designation of the DPRK as a state-sponsor of terrorism and advance the process of terminating the application of the Trading with the Enemy Act with respect to the DPRK.¡± Both President Bush and the North Korean Foreign Ministry welcomed the measures and urged respectively nuclear disarmament and the principle of ¡°action for action.¡±
¢º The North Korean Food Crisis and Two Koreas¡¯ Dialogue by Bohyuk Suh
North Korea is currently facing a looming food crisis. Problem of food shortage in the country is nothing new, but the situation has been aggravating since last year. The Korea Rural Economic Institute released the ¡°2007 North Korea¡¯s Grain Production Evaluation¡± report on December 13 last year, where it estimated North Korea¡¯s total grain production to have decreased from 4.48 million to 4.01 million tons, an 11% decrease from the previous year. These rates account for only 62% of the total average of grain harvest production of 6.50 million tons, and the decline hardest hit in the categories of rice and corn. Flood damages across the country last summer and autumn have been worse than past occasions. Citing the words from a North Korean agriculture expert at the institute: ¡°400 thousand tons can feed the whole North Korean population for one month.
¢º How to Deal with South Korea by Sunhyuk Kim,Wonhyuk Lim
Sunhyuk Kim and Wonhyuk Lim, 2007, "How to Deal with South Korea," The Washington Quarterly 30:2 (Spring), pp.71-82.
¢º Road to a Nuclear-Free Korean Peninsula after the BDA Affair by Bohyuk Suh
The problem of North Korean frozen funds at a bank named Banco Delta Asia (BDA) in Macao that had stood unresolved over one year has been finished. It was reported that North Korean frozen accounts at BDA, with help from the US, were remitted via Russia for the purpose of resuming international financial transactions.
¢º Beyond the Political Controversy over The North-South Summit Talk by Bohyuk Suh
Regardless of the disputes between the government and the 1st opposition party, however, most of Korean people expect the 2nd Summit Talk to promote the North-South reconciliation and cooperation, and facilitate peace settlement in the Korean Peninsula. First of all, the two top leaders need to declare to the world their willingness to participate proactively in international collaboration for the peace building in the peninsula through denuclearization. Simultaneously, they are urged to broaden economic cooperation of the North and South on a full scale that has been processed restrictively. When the two leaders announce that peace and economy complement each other, that would contribute to the dismantlement of Cold War in the peninsula and the establishment of North-east Asia community. The Summit Talk also should reach an principal agreement on resolving such humanitarian issues as kidnappings to the North, prisoners of war, separated families both since and during the Korean War. Ahead the those historic missions, if South Korean politicians misuse the 2nd Summit Talk politically, they will be blamed by the international community as well as Korean people for the their negligence of historic opportunity.
¢º The Meaning and Prospect of the Passage of National Referendum in Japan : A south Korean Perspective by Bohyuk Suh
A National Referendum Bill that sets the procedures for Japanese Constitution revision cleared the House of Councilors in a plenary session on May 14, after being approved by the House of Representatives on Apr. 13. One more step, namely declaration by the Emperor of Japan is still remained for the Bill to come into effect, nonetheless it is now virtually confirmed in a law, thereby opening the way for revising the Constitution in 60 years since the enactment. In fact, submission or deliberation of the amended Constitution is not allowed for three years from the enforcement date. However the Diet, based on a national electoral law, is likely to make a separate Deliberation Council for Constitution consists of members from both the House of Councilors and the House of Representatives at a special session of the Diet, which will be held after the election of the House of Councilors. The committee will embark on specific investigations including the necessity for Constitutionrevision.
¢º Transforming an Asymmetric Cold War Alliance: Psychological and Strategic Challenges for South Korea by Wonhyuk Lim
There appear to be basically two options for the U.S., depending on what kind of relationship with China it envisions. One is to place South Korea within a hub-and-spoke alliance against China, using the North Korean nuclear crisis as a catalyst. This policy is, however, likely to find little support in South Korea and risk a nationalist backlash if the U.S. is increasingly viewed as an impediment to Korean reunification and regional security. It would also increase the possibility of a ¡°Korea shift¡± and exacerbate a continental-maritime division in Northeast Asia. In fact, even if the U.S. objective were to prolong tension in the region and contain China, its hard-line policy toward North Korea would likely be counterproductive, for that would only help China to expand its influence in the Korean peninsula. The United States would find itself increasingly tied to Japan, whose reluctance to come to terms with its imperialist past has limited the effectiveness of its diplomacy. Under this strategic vision, the U.S. essentially risks ¡°losing¡± the Korean peninsula in order to cement its relationship with Japan and contain China....


The other alternative is to deal with South Korea on more equal terms and engage it as a partner in building a new order in the region, facilitating China¡¯s gradual transition and resolving the North Korean nuclear crisis to end the Cold War in Northeast Asia. This alternative would require the U.S. to be more ¡°equidistant¡± between China and Japan, consistently signaling to China that the existing U.S. alliances with Japan and South Korea are not designed to threaten China. At the same time, the United States would also have to reassure Japan that this policy is not ¡°Japan passing.¡± The U.S. would assume the role of a stabilizer in Northeast Asia, much as it does in Europe. This approach would not only strengthen the U.S. position in the Korean peninsula but also enhance its policy options in dealing with China and Japan. It would also have the effect of encouraging Japan to improve relations with its neighbors. Under this vision, South Korea would play the role of an advocate for cooperation in the region, not a balancer in the neorealist sense of the term. South Korea is likely to support such a shift in U.S. policy, for the last thing it wants is a continental-maritime division in Northeast Asia that would greatly complicate Korean reunification and increase tension in the region. This strategic vision would not only serve the interest of the ROK-U.S. alliance but also enhance regional security.
¢º When in Doubt, Blame South Korea: The Politics of Food Aid to North Korea by Wonhyuk Lim
"the controversy over food aid to North Korea may be regarded as yet another example of this tendency to ignore changing realities and criticize engagement without producing a viable policy alternative. The end of the Cold War showed that even "an evil empire" was full of normal people and leaders who could bring about an enormous change when it was engaged with the outside world. Perhaps a return to what worked in the past may be a better policy than wishing for a regime change without any realistic strategy."
¢º Kim Jong Il¡¯s Southern Tour : Beijing Consensus with a North Korean Twist? by Wonhyuk Lim
(1) The PRC-DPRK is far deeper and more extensive than many realize. Since the "restoration" of bilateral relations in 2000, the two economies have been increasingly integrated. As long as the Six-Party Talks process remains under control, China is unlikely to put heavy pressure on North Korea.

(2) Kim Jong Il is likely to adopt "the Beijing Consensus" with a North Korean twist, as indicated by his repeated comments on the importance of developing an economic model suited to "the specific conditions of the country." After a period of uncontrolled marketization, Pyongyang is trying to reassert state leadership and put economic growth on a more stable trajectory. North Korea has taken positive measures to ensure commercial viability for outside investors and increased economic engagement with China, South Korea, and Russia.

(3) Pyongyang's move last fall to revitalize the public distribution system is not a "U-turn" in economic policy but rather an ineffective attempt to bring back workers to the formal sector. Due to limited domestic resources, however, only the infusion of external capital would provide a solution to the capital-labor coordination problem in the formal and informal sectors.
¢º Common Myths about Food Aid to North Korea by Wonhyuk Lim
Now, North Korea's actual total food availability (excluding unrecorded food aid or imports, especially from China) has been approximately 5-10 percent below "Normal human need." Based on these observations, one may suggest that the planners should have allowed a bigger margin of error before reducing commercial imports (to prepare for unexpected changes in domestic production or food aid), but it would be a stretch to argue that the planners reduced commercial imports with intent to leave the population vulnerable to starvation. Western donor countries have significantly reduced their food aid to North Korea since 2001, but scholars don't assign such a sinister motive to these reductions.
¢º Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation at a Crossroads by Wonhyuk Lim
Wonhyuk Lim, 2007, "Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation at a Crossroads," Dynamic Forces on the
Korean Peninsula: Strategic and Economic Implications, Washington, DC: Korea Economic Institute,
pp.139-164.
¢º North Korea¡¯s Economic Futures : Interal and External Dimensions by WonHyuk Lim
1. Introduction : Collapse of collapse Scenarios
2. Crisis and Response : North Korea¡¯s Economic Reform in context
3. Alternative Futures for North Korea
¢º Joint Statement of Six-party Talks ?One small step forward towards Cooperation by Lee, Jung Chul
A joint statement on the North Korean nuclear issue was finally adopted 35 months after the second phase of the North Korean nuclear crisis broke out in October 2002. A great fuss was made about it in the media as if it heralded a new framework to replace the agreed framework signed in Geneva in 1994. But the optimism quickly turned out to be misplaced and, in fact, doubts about the validity of joint statement have been raised.
¢º NEW DIRECTIONS FOR KOREA¡¯S FOREIGN POLICY AND THE EAST ASIAN COMMUNITY by KNSI
Co-Organized by
Asiatic Research Center, Korea University
&
Korea National Strategy Institute

Friday, July 22, 2005
Korea Press Center (Maehwa Hall), Seoul, Korea
¢º Economic and Ideological Transition in North Korea: Universal Principles and Specific Features by Ruediger Frank
North Korea is going through economic as well as ideological transition. Positive progresses have been made but more needs to be done. This writing will examine what changes have been made and how North Korea is going to cope with the changed international environment and continue with its process.
¢º Human Rights in North Korea and U.S. Policy by Sun Song Park
***Paper presented by Dr. Soon Song Park (Professor of North Korean Studies at Dongguk University) at the IKUPD(Institute for Korea-US Political Development) 2005 IKUPD Forum, "Korean Reunification in Korea-US Relationship" April 9,2005, at Harvard Law School, Cambridge, MA.
¢º Internal and External Conditions for the Accomplishment of South-North Korea Summit Meeting by Sunhyuk Kim
The Korean government is officially taking an 'exit' or 'completion theory' rather than an 'entrance' or 'breakthrough theory' stance concerning the South-North Korea summit meeting. The biggest problem with this is that it sets forth as prerequisites several extremely unrealistic and unreasonable conditions that the Korean government cannot control or regulate at all.
Likewise, the present government's 'peace initiative' is drawn up on the 'exit theory' which is said to be more 'realistic' than 'entrance theory.' However, domestic as well as foreign conditions that need to be created is not much different from the 'unrealistic' and 'uncontrollable' suppositions presented in an 'entrance theory'.
It is thus necessary that the Korean government expand and extend the 'peace initiative' into a holistic and concrete 'proposal for a peaceful Korean peninsula'. Furthermore, after securing definite domestic and foreign mutual consent and support on it, Korea must swiftly get down to persuading North Korea and the U.S.
¢º Establishment and Negotiation of Agenda to the South-North Korea Summit Meeting by Lee Jung Chul
If South-North Korea summit meeting is held, what should the leaders of South and North Korea discuss? Must we expansively discuss the core pending problems between South and North Korea as we did in the first historic summit meeting or limit the discussion to practical business problems, according with the new environment?
¢º The Significance and Necessity of South-North Korea Summit Meetings: Focused around the North Korean by Phillip Wonhyuk Lim
There have been immense changes in inter-Korean relations since the historic summit meeting held 5 years ago. Progress has been made, yet there is a need for a second and furthermore, a regularized South-North Korea summit meeting in which the two leaders of the South and the North can work to find a framework of solutions and take hold of problems that must be solved on a governmental level.
The South Korean government must work to convince the North of the necessity and benefits of six-way talks. Once six-way talks develop to a certain degree, it will prepare international conditions ready to actively promote South-North Korea summit meetings. In the same manner, the South Korean government can play a major role in settling the North Korean nuclear issue and ending the Cold-War like situation in northeast Asia.

Center for Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy Studies

Since the democratic transition in 1987, Korean politics and foreign policy have been confronted with numerous challenges. In domestic politics, they include: attaining social cohesion and unity; institutionalizing check-and-balance between state institutions; developing a functional political party system based on clearer party identities and policy orientations; empowering civil society and expanding citizen participation in policymaking. In the area of foreign policy, challenges encompass: reconfiguring the ROK-US alliance; improving South-North Korean relations and sustaining peace on the Korean peninsula; increasing and deepening cooperation with neighboring countries; and contributing to the formation and development of the East Asian community.

The Center for Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy intends to analyze these important issues in Korea's domestic politics and foreign relations and to offer practical policy alternatives, by holding seminars, roundtables, and conferences as well as publishing policy reports, issue analyses, and monographs. Through these activities, the Center aims to design and develop a new national strategy that can ultimately contribute to democracy and peace on the Korean peninsula.

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