한반도의 변화와 대 동북아시&
	알렉산더버시바우
	Speeches and Transcripts연설문.hwp
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	주한미국대사관
	2006/01/30
신희석 교수님, 강(영훈) 전 총리님, 유종하 전 외무장관님, 황진하 의원님, 각국 대사님, 내외 귀빈 여러분, 오늘 저녁 이 자리에서 여러분과 함께 한반도와 동북아시아 상황 발전에 대해 말씀할 수 있게 되어 기쁩니다. 최근 아시아태평양정책연구원은 개원 10주년을 맞았습니다. 오늘 이 자리를 빌어 축하의 말씀을 드리고 싶습니다. 이 자리에 이렇게 많은 귀분 여러분이 참석하신 것과 오늘로 아태정책연구원 주최 정보교류 행사가 벌써 163회째라는 사실이 놀랍습니다. 이렇게 훌륭한 학자, 정치인, 경영인 여러분을 모신 자리에서 연설했던 제 전임자 스티븐 보즈워스, 토마스 허바드 대사의 뒤를 잇게 되어 기쁩니다. 일본과의 협력확대, 국제교류 기여, 남·북한과 역내 강국간 관계분석, 무역 및 투자 증진 등 아태정책연구원이 추구하는 광범위한 연구목표는 인상적입니다. 그것은 인상적인 동시에 한국과 동북아시아는 물론 세계의 당면현안 입니다. 이런 문제들은 정체되어 있지 않고, 매일 새롭게 변화합니다. 아태정책연구원이 10년이라는 짧은 기간동안 심포지엄을 163회나 개최한 이유도 바로 여기에 있다고 믿습니다. 이 이슈들이 얼마나 빠르게 전개되는지 한 가지 예를 들겠습니다. 저는 지난 주 이태식 주미대사와 함께 미국 서부에서 열린 미한/한미재계협의회(U.S.-Korea and Korea-U.S. Business Councils) 합동회의에 참석했습니다. 1주일 후 돌아와서 힐 차관보가 베를린에서 김계관 북한 외무성 부상과 매우 유익한 회동을 가졌다는 사실을 전해 들었습니다. 베를린 회동 덕분에 힐 차관보가 차기 6자회담을 더욱 낙관적으로 전망한다고 알고 있습니다. 제가 서울을 떠나있던 사이 한미 FTA 제6차 협상도 끝났습니다. 이번 협상 역시 좋은 진전을 보였습니다. 6차 협상 결과를 볼 때, 저는 한미 FTA 역시 낙관하고 있습니다. 중국의 자국 기상위성 미사일 요격실험 소식을 접한 것도 비슷한 시기였습니다. 특히 미국과 한국을 포함한 상당수 국가의 통신산업 및 안보에 있어 위성은 중요한 역할을 하기 때문에 이런 미사일 실험은 국제사회의 우주공간 활용에 영향을 미칩니다. 따라서 아직 관련 상황을 파악하려 노력하고 있습니다....
Professor Shin Hee-suk, former Prime Minister Kang, Foreign Minister Yoo Chong-ha, Representative Hwang Jin-Ha, fellow Ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen, it is a pleasure to be with you tonight and to have the opportunity to speak with you on developments on the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia. I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate APPRI on recently celebrating its 10th anniversary. It is impressive to see this large crowd gathered here today and realize that this is the 163rd occasion for APPRI to host an information-sharing event such as this. I am pleased to be following in the footsteps of my predecessors, Ambassador Steve Bosworth and Ambassador Tom Hubbard, who have both addressed this distinguished group of scholars, politicians, and business leaders in the past. I am impressed with APPRI’s broad set of objectives that include striving for greater cooperation with Japan, contributing to international exchanges, analyzing the two Koreas’ relationship with other powers in the region, and promoting trade and investment. These objectives are impressive, and very much relevant to Korea, the region, and indeed the world. These issues are dynamic, with new developments on a daily basis. I am sure this is the reason why you have already held 163 sessions over the short history of your Institute. Let me give you an example of how fast these issues move. I was away last week on the West Coast attending the winter meetings of the U.S.-Korea and Korea-U.S. Business Councils, along with your Ambassador in the United States, Lee Tae-shik. I returned after only a week to find that Assistant Secretary Hill had conducted very useful meetings with his North Korean counterpart Kim Gye-gwan in Berlin. I know that Chris is more optimistic about the next round of the Six-Party Talks as a result of these discussions. Also during the week I was away, we completed the sixth round of negotiations on a Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement. Again, we made good progress. And again, I am more optimistic about the prospects for the FTA as a result of this round. It was also during this time that we learned about China’s missile test on its own weather satellite. We are still trying to come to grips with this development, because such a test has implications for the international use of outer space, especially as so many countries – including the United States and South Korea – rely on satellites for business communications and security. These events that took place during the time I was away do not even begin to address domestic developments in Korea, such as President Roh’s proposal to change the constitution, the restructuring of political parties, and developments concerning the presidential elections later this year. Indeed, this is an especially exciting time to be in Korea. It seems that I go away for one week, and it takes me two weeks just to catch up! More seriously, as we look back over these events, it is easy to understand why we should all look forward to 2007 as a year of great opportunity. The issues you grapple with are a confirmation that Korea is a dynamic country in a dynamic region. I am hopeful that a number of key events in the coming year will provide opportunities for the United States and Korea to strengthen our alliance and the broader ties between our two nations. In particular, the United States and Korea are participants in talks that have the potential to develop into a regional dialogue that can advance the cause of peace and security and help transform the Northeast Asian region from one of historical distrust to a future of mutual respect and security. I would first like to say a few words about U.S.-Korea bilateral issues and then move to broader inter-Korean and regional issues. Expanding People-to-People Ties In my 15 months as Ambassador, I have been struck by the breadth of the people-to-people ties between the United States and the Republic of Korea. I am sure that if we took a poll of those here tonight, the majority of you would have a son, daughter, or grandchild who has studied in the United States. Not only are these hard-working students receiving a top-notch education and invaluable language skills, they are also learning about American values, culture and history. I trust that these students return to Korea and share their newly-expanded insights with their family and friends. It is this type of openness and sharing that has brought our two countries together not just as allies, but also as friends. My foremost goal as Ambassador is to make these ties even stronger and more numerous, especially by facilitating travel to the United States. During the last fiscal year our consular section processed more than 450,000 visa applications. We expect to process the same number, if not more, during the current fiscal year. More than 87,000 Korean citizens are currently studying in the United States at university and high-school levels, making South Korea first in the number of foreign students in the U.S. Even more common than Korean students going to the U.S. are Korean business and leisure travelers. Last year the embassy issued more than 350,000 visas for business or leisure. These numbers make the U.S. Embassy in Seoul the largest visa-issuing post in the U.S. Foreign Service. But that is a distinction we would very much like to lose – as soon as possible. Thus, we are working with the Korean government so that Korea will continue to make progress toward meeting the requirements for the Visa Waiver Program. Toward this end, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is working to develop an e-passport, and we continue to cooperate with Korean law enforcement agencies to combat visa fraud and human trafficking – all critical steps toward meeting the conditions for the Visa Waiver Program. Last November, President Bush announced that he intends to work with the U.S. Congress to introduce more flexibility into the process of determining eligibility for the Visa Waiver Program, while ensuring that U.S. security remains undiminished. Some legislation along these lines has recently been introduced in the Congress. So I am very encouraged about Korea’s prospects for VWP membership, and hope that it becomes a reality during my time as Ambassador. Concluding the KORUS Free Trade Agreement As students and exchange visitors do more to bring our two countries together, it is only natural that we also consider the benefits of bringing our economies closer together as well. Since arriving in Korea, I have consistently stated that although military alliance and security issues dominated U.S.-Korean relations in the past, the future increasingly belongs to economic cooperation and exchange. Just over a year ago, our two countries decided to begin negotiations on a Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (or KORUS FTA) precisely because we see such an agreement as the single greatest opportunity in our economic relationship. For Korea, the estimated benefits include half a million net new jobs and a 2% boost to GDP, according to the Korean Institute for International Economic Policy. Qualitatively, the FTA would create: greater opportunities for trade, investment, and knowledge and technology exchange between two technology leaders; greater opportunities for service providers, for small and medium-sized enterprises, and for investors of both our nations; greater opportunities for reforming and streamlining government procedures in the interest of enhanced transparency, consumer protection, and freeing businesses and individuals alike from unnecessary and burdensome red tape; in short, greater opportunities to make our economies more competitive globally, more responsive to consumer wishes, and stronger and more prosperous overall. We officially launched our negotiations in February 2006, and two weeks ago we held our sixth negotiating round. Our negotiators left Seoul feeling reasonably optimistic that despite the remaining challenges, this deal can be completed. This statement may surprise some who have only seen the press headlines. After all, both sides did not hold full negotiating sessions on the core, contentious issues of pharmaceuticals, trade remedies and autos. What really happened, however, was that talks in these sensitive areas were elevated to the chief negotiator level. Both chief negotiators said after the conclusion of the round that they held constructive discussions. Rather than a breakthrough, this round resulted in more “homework” for both sides on the most sensitive issues, and we anticipate continuing our dialogue on these sensitive issues, both at the next FTA round, beginning on February 11, and in discussions before that date. Anyone familiar with negotiations, whether of trade or another variety, knows that the negotiation process involves an iterative process and that elevation to higher levels is often key to producing an acceptable deal on the most sensitive issues. Toward that end, last week in Davos at the World Economic Forum, the U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Susan Schwab, and her Deputy in charge of the FTA negotiations, Ambassador Karan Bhatia, each met with Korean Trade Minister Kim Hyun-chong to review where the FTA talks stand and discuss ways to move forward on the most sensitive bilateral issues (as well as our shared interest in seeing the resumption of multilateral WTO negotiations). Given the two months remaining to negotiate our FTA agreement to meet the deadline imposed by the expiration of the Congressional Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), we will need not only the continued commitment of Korean and U.S. political leaders, but flexibility and creativity on the part of our negotiators to translate that commitment into an agreement that meets both sides’ interests. There has been intense debate in Korea about the FTA. While acknowledging the potential for major overall benefits, some Koreans wonder how a comprehensive FTA will affect the weaker sectors of the Korean economy, and how the KORUS FTA can be structured in a way that enhances the gains while minimizing the transitional costs. Some have even suggested scaling back the level of ambition of the FTA in order to deal with some of these concerns. I would answer these critics by saying that there are many ways to address the economic and social adjustment concerns associated with restructuring, both within the agreement itself and through domestic policies. Everything in the KORUS FTA will have been agreed upon by both parties, and ratified by both the National Assembly and the U.S. Congress. These bodies will only ratify our FTA if they are convinced it is a strong, win-win agreement. For the United States, that means a comprehensive, high-level agreement. In my view – and I know this view is shared by many Koreans – scaling back the level of the FTA would also sacrifice many of those potential benefits that I just mentioned, including benefits to Korea. Real-world experience, including the experience of Korea’s “economic miracle,” shows that countries open to trade grow and prosper, while countries that close themselves off from trade stagnate. For both Korea and the United States, the KORUS-FTA is a key piece of an overall trade strategy to ensure that the trade liberalization process meets our needs and will ensure that our two economies remain competitive in the fast-moving global and Asia-Pacific marketplace. U.S.-ROK Strategic Alliance While the future holds many great opportunities for our two economies to be further integrated, we cannot overlook the factors that first brought our two countries together. What started as a security alliance to meet a common threat has evolved and expanded into a comprehensive partnership including economic, educational, cultural and personal links. As I said at the beginning of these remarks, there will be a number of opportunities this year that will further shape the structure of our alliance. One of the most challenging domestic issues in both of our countries will be our efforts to stabilize Iraq. Korea’s vote to extend the Zaytun unit’s deployment is emblematic of the continuing strength of our relationship – both on and, increasingly, off the Peninsula. The United States is grateful for the ROK’s continued support for stabilization and reconstruction in Iraq, and welcomes Korea’s increasing activism on the global stage. I am also pleased at the progress we have made in the last 3-4 years in modernizing our defense alliance to make it not only more capable in military terms, but a more balanced partnership. We still have some sensitive issues to address – for example, agreeing on a specific date for the transfer of wartime operational control, and avoiding any inordinate delay in the transfer of U.S. forces from Seoul and other installations north of the Han River to our planned new hub in Pyongtaek. But I am confident we will be able to find mutually acceptable solutions, given the importance both sides attach to our alliance. Six-Party Talks Assistant Secretary Christopher Hill continues to work tirelessly to lay the groundwork for a successful diplomatic resolution to the North Korea nuclear issue. In addition to the number of shoes Assistant Secretary Hill says he has worn out during his extensive travels, he has invested countless hours in face-to-face meetings to ensure that the Talks will yield the desired results. We are further encouraged by the announcement that the next round of talks is scheduled to begin on February 8. Perhaps an even greater symbol of hope than establishing a date for the next round of talks is the continued unity among the five parties working to persuade North Korea to abandon its nuclear programs. The five parties have set aside bilateral concerns in the interest of the greater multilateral good. South Korea has remained firm in its suspension of official food and fertilizer assistance for North Korea in the wake of last year’s missile launches and nuclear test. I recognize that this has not been an easy decision and I commend your government for remaining strong in its resolve to send a message to Pyongyang that positive results in the Six-Party Talks must precede a return to “business as usual” in inter-Korean relations. As you all know, after a 13-month hiatus we restarted Six-Party Talks in December. We understood even before the Talks started that this process could be a long and difficult one. Nonetheless, we remain committed to a diplomatic solution to the North Korean nuclear issue. We have made clear to North Korea that we seek the full implementation, by all parties, of the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement. North Korea must live up to its commitments in the Joint Statement and take concrete steps to denuclearize. In return, the five other parties will carry out their obligations to normalize relations with North Korea, provide economic and energy assistance, and work toward building lasting peace and security in Northeast Asia, including a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. Denuclearization of North Korea is not just the goal of the United States or the five parties in the Six-Party Talks. It is the goal of the international community. This point was made clear in UN Security Council Resolution 1718, which is binding on all members of the United Nations, including North Korea. The resolution requires that the DPRK abandon all its nuclear weapons and nuclear programs, and suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile program. The resolution imposes legally binding sanctions on Pyongyang until those conditions are met. These include a requirement that all Member States prevent WMD- and missile-related trade and financial transactions to and from North Korea, and halt the export of luxury goods to that state. As UN member nations have come together in support of Resolution 1718, Pyongyang has begun to get the message that the entire world has concerns about its provocative actions, and that these concerns are not limited to just the United States, Korea and Japan. This unified response has, in my view, been key to the renewal of the Six Party Talks and the prospects for forward movement at next week’s session. Multilateral Cooperation in Northeast Asia The Six-Party Talks offer the path toward a fundamentally different – and more positive – relationship between North Korea and the rest of the world. The Talks also could open the way to a significant change in security relations in Northeast Asia. As I noted earlier, the September 2005 Joint Statement includes a commitment, in the context of North Korean denuclearization, to negotiating a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula in an “appropriate separate forum” (involving the two Koreas, the United States and China). As you know, the Armistice agreement was essentially a cease-fire arrangement. Nobody thought that this arrangement, reached in 1953, would last so long. While the U.S.-ROK alliance has deterred aggression and kept the peace for over 53 years, it is long overdue to close this final chapter of the Cold War. The Six-Party Talks, therefore, can be an important catalyst to reducing tensions and establishing normal relations between the two Koreas, laying the basis for lasting peace and security on the Korean Peninsula. Implementation of the September 2005 Joint Statement and negotiation of a peace regime could have more far-reaching implications for the region as a whole. It could also be the starting point for deeper multilateral cooperation among the countries of Northeast Asia. Speaking about multilateralism, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon recently noted that while the Asia-Pacific region was on the rise in terms of political and economic influence, the region’s security situation was far less developed. With different cultures, different assessments of the past and, of course, historical grievances, Asian nations are wary of one another and do not share a sense of common purpose. He said that regional cooperation needs to be increased and institutionalized. Some progress has been made in this area as regional forums – such as ASEAN+3, APEC and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) – grow in relevance. Cooperation in these fora has been most advanced on trade and investment issues. I think that there are real opportunities to expand cooperation within Northeast Asia on a wider range of issues – both within established institutions and on an ad hoc basis. In this regard, Asia can learn from Europe’s post-war experience of committing itself to multinational cooperation and integration through NATO, the European Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE. I have some experience working these issues in Europe, and I think the European experience could be quite relevant here in Northeast Asia. Of course, it is not going to be easy, especially getting giants like China, Russia and Japan together. Still, I am optimistic because more and more leaders in this region are coming around to the view that peace and security will require greater cooperation and understanding. They are also realizing that their economic prosperity very much depends on their working together to confront the common challenges we all face in the 21st century. As I said, the Six Party Talks could be the starting point for expanded cooperation on regional matters. The September 19, 2005 Joint Statement specifically mentions that all parties will abide by “recognized norms of international relations.” It further says that the parties will work “to promote economic cooperation in the fields of energy, trade and investment, bilaterally and/or multilaterally.” It does not require any stretch of the imagination to see how this statement, and the Six-Party Talks themselves, might evolve into a regional mechanism that could help to promote peace and prosperity throughout Northeast Asia. There is a wide range of areas where such cooperation could be beneficial: humanitarian relief and peacekeeping; non-proliferation; counter-terrorism; energy cooperation; the environment; and infectious diseases, to name just a few examples. This process can begin with the Six-Party Talks and hopefully lead to the permanent peace regime mentioned in the Joint Statement, and to a longer-term process of multilateral cooperation. Denuclearization, of course, is the prerequisite. But with denuclearization, the signing of a peace agreement to officially replace the 1953 Armistice Agreement would not only be a watershed event for the U.S.-ROK alliance and for the two Koreas; it could also be a turning point for stability, security and prosperity throughout Northeast Asia. Let me make one additional point, since we have some distinguished Japanese guests here tonight. I think that the prospects for broader regional cooperation among the countries of Northeast Asia would be enhanced if there were greater cooperation among those major countries that have shared values in terms of a strong commitment to democracy, human rights and market economics. I have in mind the United States, Japan and South Korea. These three countries already have a deep history of extensive ties. In trade and investment, we are among the top markets for each other. We also have extensive cultural ties and a long history of interchange among our peoples. On the security side, Japan and South Korea have defense strategies defined by their alliance with the United States; indeed, in the event of war, Japan would play a critical role in our efforts to defend the Korean Peninsula. So I would hope that our three countries – the United States, the ROK and Japan – will play an instrumental role in promoting multilateral cooperation in Northeast Asia, leading eventually to some sort of new regional security architecture. Conclusion Tonight I’ve discussed a number of topics that will shape the nature of the U.S.-ROK alliance and security on the Korean Peninsula in the years ahead. We could be entering a very creative period, in terms of taking our bilateral relationship to a higher level, and redefining security relations in Northeast Asia. There are opportunities before us that call for vision and new thinking. In this regard, let me say that governments do not have a monopoly on wisdom. We look to groups such as APPRI to continue to lead the way forward in these efforts. You have already developed a successful formula for bringing together influential leaders from both Korea and Japan in a spirit of cooperation and friendship. It is this type of attitude that should be expanded throughout Northeast Asia and the entire Asia-Pacific region to ensure that peace and security are enjoyed by all nations in the region. Thanks you for listening. I look forward to hearing your views and responding to your questions after dinner.
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